How Companies Strive to Be “Your Fairy Godmother”: the Workplace as a Reality Show in ‘El Jefe Infiltrado’

Empresas que quieren ser “tu hada madrina”: el trabajo como reality show en ‘El Jefe Infiltrado’

Empresas que querem ser “sua fada madrinha”: o trabalho como reality show em ‘El Jefe Infiltrado’

Lucía Márquez Martínez^1*

¹ University of Valencia, Spain
^* University of Valencia. Email: lucia.marquez@uv.es

Abstract

Mass media play a fundamental role in shaping a shared vision of reality within a social group. On television, this phenomenon is filtered through various formats: not only news programmes, but also entertainment shows. This study examines the narratives constructed by reality shows about the workplace. In this regard, the concept of work serves as one of the most revealing indicators or paradigms in analysing a given society. It can, in fact, be considered a fundamental element in the personal life stories of individuals. Specifically, this paper analyses the sixth series of the reality show El Jefe Infiltrado (La Sexta). To achieve this goal, the study applies a mixed methodology combining discourse analysis and content analysis. These tools are used to identify the main narratives the show constructs in relation to labour relations. The results reveal a representation of the work environment as a personal, emotional and depoliticised space. Workplace conflicts are portrayed as individual rather than collective or class-based issues. Employees are depicted as careless yet noble human beings who, for the most part, simply need a change in attitude to improve as workers. In contrast, the undercover bosses assume the roles of strict but benevolent and generous parental figures who are willing to guide their employees to the right path. These leaders embark on a hero’s journey, showing generosity and ultimately returning home with a deeper understanding of their business.

Keywords
Reality show; Work; CEO; Discourse analysis; Content analysis; El Jefe Infiltrado.

Resumen

Los medios de comunicación juegan un papel fundamental para estructurar en el grupo social una visión compartida de la realidad que habitan. En el ámbito televisivo, el fenómeno se filtra mediante los distintos formatos que pueblan la parrilla: tanto los informativos como los programas de entretenimiento. Este estudio aborda los relatos que desarrollan los reality shows respecto al mundo laboral. No en vano, el concepto de trabajo constituye uno de los indicadores más interesantes en el estudio de una sociedad e incluso podemos considerarlo un asunto fundamental en la intrahistoria vital de cada individuo. En concreto, analizamos la sexta temporada del reality show El Jefe Infiltrado, emitido por La Sexta. Para ello, optamos por una metodología que combina el análisis del discurso y el análisis de contenido. Con estas herramientas, identificamos las principales estrategias narrativas del formato. Los resultados muestran un escenario donde las relaciones laborales se representan como cuestiones personales, emocionales y despolitizadas, mientras que los conflictos se consideran problemas individuales (no colectivos o de clase). Los trabajadores son dibujados como sujetos descuidados, pero nobles y de “gran humanidad”, que solo necesitan un “cambio de actitud” para mejorar. Respecto a los empresarios infiltrados, adoptan hechuras de padres rigurosos, pero benevolentes; guías dispuestos a llevar por el buen camino a sus asalariados y líderes en pleno viaje del héroe que, tras mostrar su generosidad, regresarán a casa conociendo mejor su negocio.

Palabras clave
Telerrealidad; Trabajo; Empresarios; Análisis del Discurso; Análisis de Contenido; El Jefe Infiltrado.

Resumo

Os meios de comunicação desempenham um papel fundamental na estruturação de uma visão compartilhada da realidade por parte do grupo social em que se inserem. No âmbito televisivo, esse fenômeno se manifesta tanto nos telejornais quanto nos programas de entretenimento. Este estudo aborda as narrativas desenvolvidas pelos reality shows em relação ao mundo do trabalho. Não é por acaso que o conceito de trabalho constitui um dos indicadores mais interessantes para o estudo de uma sociedade. De fato, podemos considerá-lo um tema fundamental na intrahistória dos indivíduos, em sua própria narrativa de vida. Especificamente, analisamos a sexta temporada do reality show El Jefe Infiltrado (La Sexta). Para isso, optamos por uma metodologia que combina a análise do discurso com a análise de conteúdo. Com essas ferramentas, identificamos as principais estratégias narrativas adotadas por esse formato. Os resultados mostram um cenário em que as relações de trabalho são representadas como questões pessoais, emocionais e despolitizadas, enquanto os conflitos são considerados problemas individuais (e não coletivos ou de classe). Os trabalhadores são retratados como sujeitos negligentes, mas nobres e de "grande humanidade", que precisam apenas de uma "mudança de atitude" para melhorar. Os empresários infiltrados assumem uma postura de pais rigorosos, porém benevolentes; mentores dispostos a guiar seus funcionários pelo "caminho certo" e líderes em plena "jornada do herói", que, após demonstrarem sua generosidade, retornarão para casa conhecendo melhor o seu negócio.

Palavras-chave
Reality Show; Trabalho; Empresários; Análise do Discurso; Análise de Conteúdo; El Jefe Infiltrado.

1. Introduction

The concepts of work and being a worker have often been regarded as “social evidences” disconnected from the “historical practices and shifts in knowledge that explain their emergence” (Santamaría, 2009, p. 20). This invisibility can lead to a crucial issue being neglected; that labour connects individuals to a broader social network beyond the professional sphere, functioning as a social integration mechanism.

In this regard, it is instructive to examine the narrative resources employed by mass media when portraying work-related issues – understood as activities carried out in the public sphere, deemed useful by others, and remunerated (Gorz, 1995). Media content does not operate independently of its economic base; rather, it constitutes a product of that base (Hernández-Pérez, 2019). Consequently, media often avoid naming certain conflicts, promote uncritical acceptance of particular realities and reinforce social discipline (Castillo-González, 2020). To approach these narratives, we focus on the programme El Jefe Infiltrado and analyse its mechanisms through both content and discourse analysis.

2. Theoretical Framework

2.1. Work, Identity and Precarity

The labour world cannot be understood as a monolithic or immutable entity; rather, it is a dynamic sphere whose narration is central to the individual’s intrahistory (Sennett, 2000). Indeed, what is currently referred to as work constitutes a socially constructed phenomenon that became widespread with industrialisation. Through remunerated work, individuals acquire a sense of belonging in the public sphere, construct an identity associated with the notion of occupation, gain external recognition and valuation and shape their relationship with the surrounding environment (Gorz, 1995; Horgan, 2021).

For decades, precarity – linked to the “uncertainty and contingency of the human condition” (Tejerina et al., 2012, p. 15) – has been a crucial concern. Post-industrial society hosts a highly deregulated labour market that demands flexible working hours, maximum availability and the centrality of one’s professional project (Torns & Moreno, 2015). The illusion of normalcy in “quasi-employment” establishes instability as standard, thereby “filtering” precarity into daily life (Santos Ortega, 2003, p. 122). Precarity is not a marginal or accidental phenomenon; instead, it constitutes a fundamental aspect of contemporary production modes (Alonso & Fernández Rodríguez, 2009). Moreover, the expansion of precarity undermines the identity-employment relationship: when career trajectories are fragmented and superficial, worker identity becomes fragile, complicating the demonstration of moral value through labour (Sennett, 2000).

2.2. Individualisation, Discipline and Surveillance

As labour-related uncertainty spreads, an individual identity governed by corporate logic also proliferates: corporate priorities limit the development of class consciousness while encouraging individualistic practices of surveillance and discipline associated with organised work (Martínez Fernández, 2020; Alonso & Fernández Rodríguez, 2009).

Historically, humanity has encountered two primary constraints on freedom (Fromm, 2013): the use of force by authorities and the threat of hunger or destitution against those who resisted impositions (Hester & Srnicek, 2024). Such fears compelled individuals not only to obey, but to neutralise “the temptation” to rebel (Fromm, 2013, p. 56). This laid the groundwork for a discipline that produces submissive, trained and docile bodies, imposing a “mandatory visibility” on workers (Foucault, 2022, p. 218). Contemporary labour dynamics further encourage employees to behave as enterprise-units – the cornerstone of the neoliberal project – while successful entrepreneurs become a social reference: their victory suggests that anyone can achieve similar success (Santos Ortega, 2014; Moruno, 2018).

The concept of the “entrepreneur of the self” therefore gains relevance (Foucault, 2007, p. 264): workers are expected to manage their human capital and pursue continuous improvement. There is always room to work harder and more efficiently, and one must willingly submit to corporate demands (Ehrenreich, 2011). The ideal worker extends their workday, forgoes sick leave or postpones holiday leave (Carvajal Soria & Martín Criado, 2015). Conversely, not loving one’s work or not prioritising it above all else can become a form of resistance when employers demand emotional attachment to the position (Horgan, 2021).

In discussing hegemony, we adopt a Gramscian perspective: the political-cultural influence and dominance of one class over citizens, legitimised through mechanisms such as social consensus, here associated with the internalisation of power narratives (Puentes Cala & Suárez Pinzón, 2016).

2.3. From Undercover Boss to El Jefe Infiltrado

Reality is “socially constructed”, and the media contribute to shape “common sense” from it (Berger & Luckmann, 1968, p. 39). Focusing on television, Eco (1986) distinguishes two initial stages: paleotelevision, which acted as a window to the world, and neotelevision, which spoke “of itself and its contact (…) with the public” (1986, p. 15).

In the 21st century, hypertelevision emerges, amplifying neotelevision codes. Within it, the hyperdocudrama genre reconstructs, dramatises or stages real events interpreted by their protagonists (Gordillo, 2009, p. 152). This genre encompasses reality television, characterised by the spectacularisation of events transformed into a socio-media construct (Cáceres Zapatero, 2007) and by employing fictional narrative strategies (Peris Blanes, 2015).

As a reality show, El Jefe Infiltrado (hereinafter, EJI) represents an “exacerbated expression” of docudrama, emphasising the “dramatisation of reality” and privileging performativity “and simulation” (Escudero Manchado & Gabelas Barroso, 2016, p. 3). EJI narratives justify inequalities based on character traits, thereby reproducing a meritocratic narrative (Oliva et al., 2021).

To dissect EJI’s codes, we refer to the original format, Undercover Boss (hereinafter, UB), launched in the United Kingdom in 2009. The Spanish version constitutes an “indigenisation” (Buonanno in Peris Blanes, 2015, p. 36), adapting content to local preferences through nationalisation tactics.

Having become an international franchise, the most successful and enduring edition is the US version. Both versions operate within neoliberal frameworks (Gershon, 2019), but the British version emphasises “corporate imagination”, whereby the individual’s role within the company shapes their knowledge of it, internal communication is portrayed as the company’s backbone, and middle management is critiqued (Gershon, 2018).

Due to its prevalence, the US production serves as our primary reference. While retaining the original premises, this version develops within a socio-economic context underpinned by the American Dream as an ethical guide. The CEO embodies “benevolent capitalism” (Schwartzman & Blankenship, 2016, p. 2), portrayed as a compassionate human being rather than a faceless managerial entity, thereby “restoring faith” in the entrepreneur (epitome of capitalist justice) and their “inherent virtue” (2016, p. 15). Corporate management is therefore reframed from an oppressive force to a source of meritocratic rewards. UB positions CEOs as the saviour in the face of hardship and enacts surveillance that reinforces both their power and that of “the authoritarian capitalist structure” (2016, p. 16).

In UB, employees embody traditional heroic traits – courage, generosity, overcoming adversity (Meisenbach & Feldner, 2019). Vulnerable in the economic system, they must be rescued by the superhero CEO, whose “superpowers” consist of managerial authority and access to resources (2019, p. 414). Yet, like superheroes, these powers are limited: they aid some individuals “without altering the system” (2019, p. 411).

Brayton describes UB as a “capitalist fairy tale,” whose philanthropic fables – which omit differences of class, race and gender – facilitate the executive’s personal awakening through generosity (2014, p. 72). The individualisation present in UB reflects a neoliberal approach to corporate paternalism: employees share confidences with the CEO rather than with peers. While isolating employees, the programme frames the company as a “family” (Brayton, 2014). This is consistent with the understanding of family as a refuge from the outside world and domestic relations as models for a better society (Hester & Srnicek, 2024).

Moreover, the US version reinforces the necessity of corporate authority, the entrepreneur’s acumen and their decision-making power to solve problems: “it is shown that bosses are the only ones capable of addressing, interpreting and resolving disagreement” (Helens-Hart et al., 2023, p. 1040). Employees are only expected to provide the initial idea so that bosses can exercise leadership and find solutions according to managerial standards. These problems are framed as individual issues rather than collective conflicts.

According to Hungerford (2020), UB depicts the American Dream as a myth intertwined with the economic system. While many workers worry about their financial situation, the reality show presents the solution as “adhering to neoliberal ideals” (2020, p. 111): it does not discuss fair wages but rather “working hard” (2020, p. 119). UB legitimises capitalist structures and reinforces the necessity of sacrifice “with the hope of achieving the American Dream” (2020, p. 124).

3. Research Design

3.1. Objectives and Hypotheses

The primary aim of this study is to identify the main characteristics representing work and contemporary labour relations in El Jefe Infiltrado (EJI).

To achieve this, we propose four general objectives:

O1. To analyse the narratives deployed regarding the world of work.

O2. To examine how labour relations are reflected, particularly the connections between company, employer and employee.

O3. To explore the narratives surrounding labour conflicts.

O4. To investigate the role of emotions in EJI, both in routine work and everyday problems.

To meet these objectives, the following research hypotheses are proposed:

H1. In EJI, adopting the boss’s perspective as the narrative thread promotes the acceptance of the corporate discourse as a hegemonic and socially valid prism, while employees are relegated to an “otherness” outside the viewer’s perspective.

H2. The portrayal of employers and employees as characters fosters a spectacularised view of labour relations, privileging sentiment over professionalism.

H3. The narrative framework presents labour conflicts as the outcome of good or bad individual decisions.

H4. In EJI, labour relations are depicted as individual and emotional issues between employer and employee, neglecting the possibility of collective organisation, class interests or the structural frameworks that shape these relations.

3.2. Case Selection and Justification

This study analyses the sixth series of EJI, broadcast in Spain on the generalist channel La Sexta. Launched in 2011, the programme constitutes a particularly interesting case in analysing contemporary narratives of the labour world because:

- It uses the workplace as a stage and work performance as the central narrative axis.

- Its focus lies on employee-employer-company relationships.

- It is an entertainment product. Studying how labour narratives are represented in television formats removed from traditional informational codes is particularly relevant.

- The format has been scarcely studied in academic literature, making it valuable to gather information on its discursive and ideological frameworks.

The series under study premiered in May 2021 and was accessed through the Atresmedia Premium streaming platform. It comprises eight one-hour episodes featuring the companies Carlos Conde, Lufe, Spagnolo, Skalop, Perfumarte, Telefurgo, Sagar and La Mordida. We selected this series as it is the most recent and, therefore, the most closely aligned with the underlying social trends that the programme seeks to reflect or amplify. This series allows the narrative strategies concerning work embedded in current mass audiovisual production to be traced.

3.3. Methodological Design

To study the narratives deployed in EJI, we applied two complementary research techniques: content analysis and discourse analysis. This methodological triangulation enables the identification of the most frequently occurring variables in the analysed corpus and the mechanisms of meaning-making employed.

We first conducted a quantitative study using a self-developed coding manual consisting of 40 variables. These included: type of company, characteristics of the boss and their motives for infiltrating the company, employee complaints, managerial malpractice and employer evaluations of employees. We also recorded the type of confidences shared, warnings and rewards given and the presence (or absence) of union actions. Additionally, this content analysis examines the emotions expressed during the distribution of rewards and punishments.

Each episode was divided into the previously outlined scenes, which served as the analysis units. The total corpus comprises 112 scenes (between 12 and 16 per episode). If a variable appeared multiple times within a scene (e.g., an employee repeatedly violating safety measures), it was counted as many times as it occurred so as to record the intensity of those specific occurrences.

The second approach involved discourse analysis, a tool that allows capturing underlying trends and relevant nuances in the representation of bosses and workers. This approach provides greater depth in studying the narrative resources of each episode. Following the scene structure used in the content analysis, discourse analysis facilitates the critical examination of employer-employee dynamics as well as the ideological undertones permeating them.

4. Results

When presenting the results of this study, it should be noted that each episode follows an almost identical structure (Figure 1): in the prologue, the boss and the company are introduced, and a makeover is performed prior to the infiltration; the employer assumes the identity of a new employee to observe the business from within. Under this premise, they discover the employees’ behaviours and characteristics. Finally, they reveal their identity, reward the good employees, and penalise the underperformers.

Additionally, the results of this study are analysed by relating its two dimensions, i.e., the findings obtained from both content and discourse analyses. The main results derived from the content analysis are presented below (Table 1).

4.1. The Perspective Game in EJI

The companies featured in EJI are presented as successful and leading in their sectors. According to the voice-over, LUFE is “at the top”, while Skalop is “a benchmark in fast food, having written its own history”. The founder of Telefurgo is described as “a super-entrepreneur” with a superpower: “identifying market needs before anyone else”. In other words, the boss has successfully fulfilled their mission. The risk, however, lies in employees’ mistakes causing economic losses or reputational crises.

Indeed, the perspective guiding viewers is always that of the infiltrating boss; it is their agenda that is legitimised. Employees are relegated to a subordinate otherness, barely visible to the audience. This singular viewpoint is reinforced by the voice-over, which, despite presenting itself as an external narrator, strengthens the boss’s perspective: it anticipates their reflections (“The boss seems to have found the perfect worker, but the joys are short-lived,” Telefurgo) or reframes their statements (“Having verified the abandonment of the store and Natalia’s lack of willingness…,” Perfumarte). Furthermore, most employees occupy lower occupational strata (delivery staff, waiters, etc.), and managerial activities are never analysed.

4.2. Bosses

The representation of the boss is marked by ambivalence: “demanding”, yet “understanding”; focused on corporate success, yet generous with employees. Their introduction sequences emphasise the authoritative dimension – for example, the founder of Telefurgo describes himself as a “workaholic”, and the CEO of Perfumarte remarks, “I have fired people, but I did them a favour: if they are not committed to their work, they are wasting their time” – contrasting with the episode’s development, where interacting with employees reveals their sensitive and charitable side.

The boss reacts indignantly to certain employee practices but is also moved by personal stories, highlighting their character and humanity (Table 1D): “At Sagar, there are truly remarkable people.” Employees are evaluated both for their professional skills and personal traits; it could be inferred that being a good person compensates for professional shortcomings. At the conclusion, the boss emphasises having discovered the human value of their staff:

“Behind those aprons (...) there are people with hearts, feelings, problems” (Skalop); “The employees are wonderful; they care for the company. They nurture it” (Telefurgo).

This ambivalence extends to their perception of the business: they claim infiltration is necessary to truly understand it (Table 1A), yet consistently underscore their own knowledge and explain how tasks should have been done whenever employees make mistakes – even with specialised matters such as Perfumarte’s machinery: “At home, I don’t know where the salt is, but I know 500 types of tap” (Sagar).

4.3. Workers

When introducing employees, a slogan summarising their work-related “sins” is presented, effectively criminalising them pre-emptively: before seeing them in action, the audience knows their weaknesses (e.g., Leonel, Péiname despacio, que tengo prisa [Carlos Conde]; Ana, Vende cara una sonrisa [Spagnolo]). Their infractions are then dissected: first exposed in the act, then recapped by the voice-over, while the boss explains on camera that these are “intolerable errors”. These mistakes are recalled during the reveal sequences and shape the personalised reprimand.

Employees gain narrative depth mainly during intimate conversations with the boss, where they recount personal problems (illness, violence, migration, etc.). In La Mordida, Hugo recalls a past of debt and drug addiction, and Malika confesses experiences of child exploitation and sexual abuse. Family plays a pivotal role as either a motivational stimulus – for instance, sending money to Venezuela “inspires” Carolina to work (Perfumarte) – or a source of tragedy, as when LUFE’s employee faces an ill mother. In most cases, the boss is moved by domestic rather than professional hardships. Even when complaints relate to work (e.g., difficulty making ends meet), they are attributed to “life being expensive” rather than low wages.

Many criticisms focus on attitudinal issues (disorganisation, inefficiency). First, poor behaviour is displayed, later condemned by both the boss (Table 1C) and the voice-over. Both insist on a change of attitude, demanded directly from the employee during the reveal (Table 1E). Safety violations are also frequent: scenes depicting employee negligence (Table 1B) are combined with statements from the boss emphasising adherence to protocols (Table 1C). Poor customer service is similarly highlighted, with actions shown (Table 1B) interspersed with commentary from the boss (Table 1C): “The customer is the real boss at Sagar. A complaining customer is a defeat,” prompting change in the reveals (Table 1E). Mistakes regarding materials, time management and carelessness follow the same narrative pattern (Tables 1B and 1C). Failures are framed as behaviours that can be corrected if the employee desires.

Rarely do conflicts address employees’ lack of skills (Tables 1B and 1C); even then, they are attributed to insufficient concentration, training or effort, which are all correctable with sufficient will (e.g., at Skalop, an employee refused to fry onion rings). Employees could perform better but do not try hard enough. Premeditated attacks on the company – such as theft, sabotage or absenteeism – are never depicted (Table 1B).

4.4. Labour Relations

Individualisation and hyper-surveillance are key concepts in EJI’s depiction of labour relations. From Thatcher’s “There is no society, only individuals,” we move to “There is no workforce, only employees.” In EJI, the boss typically interacts with a single worker, isolated from other corporate components. This individualisation permeates the programme, excluding the existence of interconnected teams.

Limited interactions with other colleagues mainly involve disputes between two employees or between an employee and their immediate supervisor. These conflicts are portrayed as isolated incidents rather than structural gaps. Another type is a colleague appearing briefly to give instructions, warn of problems or fix mistakes, narratively highlighting the employee’s errors (e.g., in Spagnolo, the manager pressures Belén regarding the online store). Outside these cases, employees act as solitary agents; even when sharing space (e.g., Skalop’s kitchen), they do not interact. The labour structure is reduced to boss-employee duos, suppressing any vision of a worker class with collective claims.

Hyper-surveillance of the employee is central. The boss is not questioned, but the employee is suspected from their first appearance. Each episode inventories bad practices: dirty stores, running red lights, etc. Each employee symbolises sins requiring redemption alongside ordinary human virtues.

The boss’s ambivalence extends to their evaluations of employees (Table 1D): their discordance with corporate standards is emphasised, yet their performance or commitment is praised. After each boss-employee interaction, the voice-over indicates the boss must “reflect”: “It has been an unprofitable day for the company due to the employee’s mistakes; the boss cannot overlook it” (Perfumarte). Both are considered in the verdicts, assessing performance: “What I learned from you was the number of mistakes you make” (Skalop). Positive traits ultimately tip the balance: after reviewing mistakes, successes are highlighted, establishing equilibrium – neither overly authoritarian nor permissive. Once again, a paternalistic figure aiming for general welfare emerges.

No episode shows actual punishment (Table 1E); however, demands for attitudinal change or threats of dismissal appear, never executed due to the employee’s commitment and the boss’s goodwill. Occasionally, after reprimanding mistakes, employees are reminded of contract expiry, creating a simulated threat, later reversed with a permanent contract: “We have decided to end your contract… to give you a better one (...). You handle adversity well” (Telefurgo).

After rebukes, employees often express remorse and promise improvement, but their commitment is largely irrelevant: dissent is ignored, reinforcing the boss-centric perspective as legitimate. Instances of corporate self-criticism or process improvement are rare (Table 1D).

EJI’s model mirrors the conception of the company as a large family where workers are guided for their own good rather than a neoliberal framework of competition and performance. Self-improvement narratives stereotypical of managerial literature (Fernández Rodríguez & Medina-Vicent, 2017) emerge through highlighting mistakes and demanding attitudinal changes. Regardless of employee dedication, they can always strive to be a better version of themselves.

Unlike neoliberal depictions portraying work as a site of ultimate self-realisation, in EJI, employees view work as a means to subsistence. They work not for ambition, but to provide for themselves and their families (“Everything I do is for them,” Telefurgo); career advancement is rarely expressed. Similarly, the employee-company bond emphasises affectivity: Jose considers Sagar’s founder “like a father”; Julio calls Telefurgo his “second home”. Emotionally invested employees are praised: “The feelings you have for the company, as if it were yours” (Carlos Conde); “You carry the brand in your heart” (Skalop).

4.5. Verdicts

No employee is ultimately punished; instead, a system of reproach balanced with various rewards is applied (Table 1F). One such reward is a permanent contract, perceived as a gift due to the employee’s kindness rather than as a legal instrument formalising labour conditions. At Sagar, Ángel signs his contract in front of colleagues, who applaud; when questioning whether he deserves such recognition, the boss highlights his camaraderie. Occasionally, contracts extend to employees’ family members.

Rewards often include money for specific needs – debt repayment (Telefurgo) – personal projects – salsa classes (Perfumarte) – or trips – visiting Ecuador to reunite with relatives (Sagar). María José, complaining of back pain from hard work, receives physiotherapy sessions (Spagnolo). Family plays a prominent role when relatives appear during gift-giving (e.g., Mario’s pregnant wife, Telefurgo). Part of the reward is announced by the boss; the remainder is delivered in a letter read aloud by the employee, in which the company presents itself as their “fairy godmother” (Skalop). The scene concludes with hugs, tears and gratitude, softening prior reproaches and highlighting corporate generosity. Structural measures or rewards for the staff collectively are absent.

Notably, references to union or collective actions are absent. Labour relations are confined to the hierarchical bond between two individuals, with only one party – the boss – legitimately able to demand change. Mentions of concepts common in management literature (Fernández Rodríguez & Medina-Vicent, 2017) are also sparse. During the reveal sequences, few explicit demands for productivity, commitment or effort are made (Table 1E); instead, the focus is on the aforementioned “attitudinal changes.” EJI therefore engages with neoliberal ideological frameworks: if management demands behavioural change, implementation depends entirely on the employee.

5. Discussion and Conclusions

In line with our objectives, we sought to identify and analyse the narratives constructed by EJI around the labour universe (O1). As a result, this study outlines the main narrative strategies employed by EJI, as well as the role of emotions and the relationships among employer, employees and company. It is important to recall that the programme operates on a dichotomy: those who work hard and have a good heart are rewarded; those who fail to engage emotionally with their work are punished (Schwartzman & Blankenship, 2016).

Employees are expected to enjoy their work and to perceive their employers as friends or family: “Work is supposed to be fun, even when there is very little fun in it (...). The new job – supposedly liberated from Fordist boredom – is flexible, based on managing emotions (both of the worker and the customer)” (Horgan, 2021, p. 53).

Accordingly, we observed that adopting the boss’s perspective as the narrative thread (H1) results in a story where the corporate viewpoint is the only valid one, assumed without question – and reinforced by the acquiescent voice-over commentary. This brings us back to Gramsci’s concept of hegemony, highlighting the mechanisms by which the property-owning classes “dominate in capitalist societies over the whole of society without (...) manifest resistance” (Martínez Matías, 2020, p. 21). Indeed, neoliberalism is already hegemonic as a discursive form, reinforcing specific social imaginaries (Harvey, 2007; Castillo-González, 2020).

The unquestioned adoption of the managerial lens evokes Barthes’ notion of the bourgeoisie as an “anonymous society” that prefers not to be named, conquering social power spaces without defining itself as bourgeois: bourgeois values, norms and interests are considered “evident laws within the natural order” (Barthes, 1999, p. 128).

The mechanism by which the manager’s perspective is assumed as the protagonist of their own corporate fable is so strong that we identified echoes of Propp’s functions for the hero and secondary characters in Morfología del cuento (2007). The entrepreneur embodies the hero who leaves home to undertake a quest, receives a new appearance and is tested by secondary characters – sometimes hostile (employees causing conflicts or putting the hero in difficult situations). After each trial, these figures act as donors to the hero-seeker, providing information about the company and enabling an emotional journey through the recounted experiences. The episode concludes with the hero-boss returning home after overcoming the trials and achieving the objective (gaining a deeper understanding of the company).

Employee errors constitute a catalogue in which the severity of the act or its consequences matter less than the accumulation of faults. The professional environment depicted in EJI functions as a disciplinary space capable of monitoring, evaluating and sanctioning conduct (Foucault, 2022).

EJI does not merely propose observing reality through the employer’s eyes; it implies that the boss holds all the answers. These are not executives solely obsessed with optimising profits, but magnanimous father-figures who want the best for the company. This ambivalent portrayal, in its mass appeal, combines traits from Lakoff’s (2007) two models of fatherhood: the authoritarian, conservative father who demands discipline and obedience, and the protective, understanding and progressive father.

Another objective was to analyse the representation of labour relations in EJI, particularly the employer-employee-company triad (O2). Here, the programme focuses on precarious workers, while the performance of supervisors remains unexamined: managerial conduct is assumed appropriate, and it is employees’ failures that pose threats. Employees are relegated to otherness – unknown, strange, suspicious – becoming secondary characters with virtually no agenda. Following Bartra, “the Self and the Other are inseparable” (1996, p. 250): the figure of the Other is constructed from the experience and beliefs of the observer, in this case, the employer.

Exposed under accusatory slogans, we learn more about employees only through their conversations with the boss. In this sense, otherness functions as a construction of difference and alienness, where dehumanisation and objectification – both physical and moral – are essential (Dacosta, 2017). This process reinforces social order and internal adherence: distinguishing between “us” and the “Other” establishes acceptable and unacceptable behaviours (Pedraza, 2019).

Depicting the employer and employees as characters in a heroic narrative (H2) constructs a spectacularised – extravagant, emotional and sensationalised – vision of work (Cáceres Zapatero, 2007), where sentiment prevails. Moreover, it seeks to portray the archetype of the ideal employee (Meisenbach & Feldner, 2019). Assigning roles from universal narratives to participants – a common reality TV device – facilitates viewer identification and constitutes a basic enunciative mechanism for “spectacularising the ‘real event’” (Peris Blanes, 2015, p. 35).

Emotional appeal permeates EJI, from personal stories during breaks (emphasising family) to highlighting the worker’s value as a person. A porous boundary emerges between life inside and outside work. Professional issues (shifts, work-life balance, salaries, tasks) are displaced by emotional concerns: those who move the boss deserve improvement. This sentimentalisation paves the way for depoliticising labour, exemplified during gift-giving sequences: narratives of corporate benevolence prevent understanding the working class as a social formation “constituted by organised labour. The series (...) individualises to depoliticise” (Brayton, 2014, p. 78).

In exploring EJI’s narratives, we sought to map depicted labour conflicts (O3), questioning whether workplace problems are presented as personal decisions rather than structural issues (H3). Many managerial reproaches do not specify concrete, measurable parameters but rather demand ethereal – and therefore less confrontational – attitudinal change. No specific actions (e.g., working more hours) are requested; instead, behavioural adjustment is emphasised. Likewise, the ideal employee is defined in emotional terms, such as speaking about the business “with care”.

Employees are portrayed as well-intentioned but flawed individuals. Noble yet careless, they require a superior to indicate mistakes and encourage correction. Being a good worker entails maintaining correct attitudes towards both the corporate machinery and life itself, entirely dependent on personal will. Failure to comply leads to consequences: “We are all rowing in the same direction, but if you don’t take care of yourself, we will dispense with you” (Sennett, 2000, p. 149). The paths of continuous improvement always leave room for growth. Performing one’s assigned tasks is insufficient; employees must constantly “improve and develop” within an “unattainable and ever-changing” horizon where time not spent improving is “wasted” (Horgan, 2021, pp. 117, 87). Employees therefore apply “technologies of the self” to their “body, soul, thoughts and conduct” to achieve a “state of happiness, purity, wisdom” (Foucault & Morey, 1990, p. 48).

Currently, working more and better entails nurturing social and emotional relationships. In the age of “forced” and “self-induced” optimism (Castillo-González, 2020; Moruno, 2018), poverty and precariousness are countered by positive attitudes. From a managerial perspective, solutions are deployed as “a balm that temporarily displaces uncertainty (...) a device of social control” (Moruno, 2018, p. 105).

Our final objective focused on the role of emotions in representing the professional universe (O4), questioning whether EJI frames labour relations as individual and emotional interactions between employer and employee (H4). Collective organisation or class demands vanish (recall the absence of unions), and labour outcomes are subject to meritocratic imagination (Oliva et al., 2021). Managerial discourse promotes subjective, individualised solutions to structural problems (Moruno, 2018).

Neoliberal logics establish a model of the calculating subject whose moral autonomy depends on self-responsibility (Brown in Hernández-Pérez, 2017). Following Foucault’s homo economicus, the individual is caught in an endless pursuit of personal gain (Hernández-Pérez, 2019). Constant engagement with work tasks creates a social norm “to which many elites strive to conform (...) the ideal is the appearance of being important, valued, self-disciplined and sought after” (Hester & Srnicek, 2024, p. 112).

This individualising approach is evident in awarding permanent contracts disguised as rewards. Achieving employment stability in the Spanish labour market appears more a gift granted by a higher entity than a right. In the context of precarity and uncertainty, attaining permanent employee status is akin to reaching the promised (professional) land – a bureaucratic manna for well-intentioned workers.

Funding Sources

This publication forms part of the R&D project PID2023-151411NB-I00, «Flujos de comunicación en la esfera pública postmediática: nuevos públicos y catalizadores del discurso político (SphereFlows)», funded by MICIU/AEI/10.13039/501100011033.

Data availability

The complete dataset supporting the findings of this study has been published in Mendeley Data and can be accessed at https://doi.org/10.17632/TCP6HX99VF.

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